
"His physical features were almost perfect, the only exception being
his head, which was rather long and out of proportion. For this reason almost
all
his portraits show him wearing a helmet, since the artists apparently did not
wish to taunt him with this deformity."
Plutarch, Pericles (III.2)
Critics of Pericles and the comic poets tended to be less solicitous and called
him "squill-head," after the large elongated bulb of the squill,
or sea-onion, which grows on the coast of the Mediterranean. Although the epithet
usually is assumed to refer to the shape of his head, it is more likely that
Pericles was ridiculed for being bald. Or the story may have derived simply
to
explain that his bust displays a helmet.
" Cresilas did...the Olympian Pericles, a figure worthy of its title; indeed
it is a marvellous thing about the art of sculpture that it has added celebrity
to men already celebrated."
Pliny, Natural History (XXXIV.74)
The bronze portrait statue of Pericles by Cresilas is probably the same one seen
by Pausanius (I.25.1, I.28.2) on the Acropolis. The idealized head survives in
several Roman herm-and-bust copies, two of which, in the Vatican (above) and
British Museum (Towneley Collection), are inscribed with his name. Made soon
after Pericles died in the Athenian plague of 429 BC, he wears the Corinthian
helmet that signifies his position as strategos, commander of the army in the
Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC), a war between Sparta and Athens and their allies
that, after twenty-seven years of intermittent fighting, left Sparta in command
of a devastated Greece.
References: The Rise and Fall of Athens: Nine Greek Lives by Plutarch (1960)
translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert (Penguin Classics); Pausanias: Description
of Greece (1918) translated by W. H. S. Jones (Loeb Classical Library); Pliny:
Natural
History (1938-) translated by H. Rackham et al. (Loeb Classical Library).
Plutarch's Lives of Famous Romans and Greeks
Plutarch wrote biographies of famous Roman and Greek men. Here you'll find
out of copyright English translations of Plutarch's lives of famous men.
Pericles
We are inspired by acts of virtue with an emulation and eagerness that may
lead on to imitation. In other things there does not immediately follow upon
the admiration and liking of the thing done, any strong desire of doing the
like. Nay, many times, on the very contrary, when we are pleased with the
work, we slight and set little by the workman or artist himself, as, for
instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, we are taken with the things themselves
well enough, but do not think dyers and perfumers otherwise than low and
sordid people. It was not said amiss by Antisthenes, when people told him
that one Ismenias was an excellent piper, "It may be so, but he is a
wretched human being, otherwise he would not have been an excellent piper." And
King Philip, to the same purpose, told his son Alexander, who once at a merry
meeting played a piece of music charmingly and skillfully, "Are you
not ashamed, my son, to play so well?" For it is enough for a king or
prince to find leisure sometimes to hear others sing, and he does the muses
quite honor enough when he pleases to be but present, while others engage
in such exercises and trials of skill.
He who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very pains he takes
about things of little or no use, an evidence against himself of his negligence
and indisposition to what is really good. Nor did any generous and ingenuous
young man, at the sight of the statue of Jupiter at Pisa, ever desire to be
a Phidias, or, on seeing that of Juno at Argos, long to be a Polycletus, or
feel induced by his pleasure in their poems to wish to be an Anacreon or Pliletas
or Archilochus. But virtue, by the bare statement of its actions, can so affect
men's minds as to create at once both admiration of the things done and desire
to imitate the doers of them. The goods of fortune we would possess and would
enjoy; those of virtue we long to practice and exercise; we are content to
receive the former from others, the latter we wish others to experience from
us.
And so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writing of the lives
of famous persons; and have composed this tenth book upon that subject, containing
the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus, who carried on the war against
Hannibal, men alike, as in their other virtues and good parts, so especially
in their mild and upright temper and demeanor, and in that capacity to bear
the cross-grained humors of their fellow-citizens and colleagues in office
which made them both most useful and serviceable to the interests of their
countries. Whether we take a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left
to the reader to judge by what he shall find here.
Pericles was of the tribe of Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, of the
noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side. Xanthippus, his father,
who defeated the king of Persia's generals in the battle at Mycale, took to
Wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, who drove out the sons of Pisistratus,
and nobly put and end to their tyrannical usurpation, and moreover made a body
of laws, and settled a model of government admirably tempered and suited for
the harmony and safety of the people.
Pericles in other respects was perfectly formed physically, only his head was
somewhat longish and out of proportion. For which reason almost all the images
and statues that were made of him have the head covered with a helmet, the
workmen not apparently being willing to expose him. The poets of Athens called
him "Schinocephalos," or squill-head, from "schinos," a
squill, or sea-onion.
Pericles was a hearer of Zeno, the Eliatic, who treated of natural philosophy
in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had also perfected himself in an
art of his own for refuting and silencing opponents in argument; as Timon of
Phlius describes it,--
Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who, Say what one would, could argue
it untrue.
But he saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especially with a weight
and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity, and in general gave
him his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of character, was Anaxagoras
of Clazomenae; whom the men of those times called by the name of Nous, that
is mind, or intelligence, whether in admiration of the great and extraordinary
gift he displayed for the science of nature, or because he was the first of
the philosophers who did not refer the first ordering of the world to fortune
or chance, nor to necessity or compulsion, but to a pure, unadulterated intelligence,
which in all other existing mixed and compound things acts as a principle of
discrimination, and of combination of like with like.
For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and admiration,
and, filling himself with this lofty and, as they call it, up-in-the-air sort
of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural, elevation of purpose
and dignity of language, raised far above the base and dishonest buffooneries
of mob-eloquence, but, besides this, a composure of countenance, and a serenity
and calmness in all his movements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking
could disturb, a sustained and even tone of voice, and various other advantages
of a similar kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. Once,
after being reviled and ill- spoken of all day long in his own hearing by some
aba
ndoned fellow in the open market-place where he was engaged in the despatch
of some urgent affair, he continued his business in perfect silence, and in
the evening returned home composedly, the man still dogging him at the heels,
and pelting him all the way with abuse and foul language; and stopping into
his house, it being by this time dark, he ordered one of hi servants to take
a light and to go along with the man and see him safe home.
Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from Anaxagoras's
acquaintance; he seems also to have become, by his instructions, superior to
that superstition with which an ignorant wonder at appearances, for example,
in the heavens, possesses the minds of people unacquainted with their causes,
eager for the supernatural, and excitable through an inexperience which the
knowledge of natural causes removes, replacing wild and timid superstition
by the good hope and assurance of an intelligent piety.
There is a story that once Pericles had brought to him from a country farm
of his, a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner, upon seeing
the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of the forehead, gave it as
his judgement that, there being at that time two potent factions, parties,
or interests in the city, the one of Thucydides and the other of Pericles,
the government would come about to that one of them in whose ground or estate
this token or indication of fate had shown itself. But that Anaxagoras, cleaving
the skull in sunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filled
up its natural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collected from all
parts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place from whence
the root of the horn took its rise. And that, for the time, Anaxagoras was
much admired for his explanation by those that were present; and Lampon no
less a little while after, when Thucydides was overpowered, and the whole affairs
of the state and government came into the hands of Pericles.
Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehension of
the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very like the tyrant
Pisitratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness of his voice,
and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and were struck with amazement
at the resemblance. But when Aristides was now dead, and Themosticles driven
out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by the expeditions he made
in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeing things in this posture, now advanced
and took his side, not with the rich and few, but with the many and poor, contrary
to his natural bent, which was far from democratical; but, most likely, fearing
he might fall under suspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon
on the side of the aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more distinguished
people, he joined the party of the people, with a view at once both to secure
himself and procure means against Cimon.
He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and management
of his time. For he was never seen to walk in any street but that which led
to the market-place and the council- hall, and he avoided invitations of friends
to supper, and all friendly visits and intercourse whatever; in all the time
he had to do with the public, which was not a little, he was never known to
have gone to any of his friends to a supper, except that once when his near
kinsman Euryptolemus married, he remained present till the ceremony of the
drink-offering, and then immediately rose from the table and went his way.
For these friendly meetings are very quick to defeat any assumed superiority,
and in intimate familiarity an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain. Real
excellence, indeed, is best recognized when most openly looked into; and in
really good men, nothing which meets the eyes of external observers so truly
deserves their admiration, as their daily common life does that of their nearer
friends. Pericles, however, to avoid any feeling of commonness, or any satiety
on the part of the people, presented himself at intervals only, not speaking
on every business, nor at all times coming into the assembly, but, as Critoaus
says, reserving himself, like the Salaminian galley, for great occasions, while
matters of lesser importance were despatched by friends or other speakers under
his direction. And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who broke
the power of the council of Areopagus, giving the people, according to Plato's
expression, so copious and so strong a draught of liberty, that, growing wild
and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it, as the comic poets say, -
"
--got beyond all keeping in, Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping
in."
The style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignity of
his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrument with which Anaxagoras
had furnished him; of his teaching he continually availed himself, and deepened
the colors of rhetoric with the dye of natural science.
A saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record, spoken by him
by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity. Thucydides was one of the noble
and distinguished citizens, and had been his greatest opponent; and, when Archidamus,
the king of the Lacedaemonians, asked him whether he or Pericles were the better
wrestler, he made this answer: "When I," said he, "have thrown
him and given him a fair fall, he by persisting that he had no fall, gets the
better of me, and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes, believe
him."
The rule of Pericles has been described as an aristocratical government, that
went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed, the supremacy of a single
great man; while many say, that by him the common people were first encouraged
and led on to such evils as appropriations of subject territory, allowances
for attending theatres, payments for performing public duties, and by these
bad habits were, under the influence of his public measures, changed from a
sober, thrifty people, that maintained themselves by their own labors, to lovers
of expense, intemperance, and license.
At the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon's great authority,
he did caress the people. Finding himself come short of his competitor in wealth
and money, by which advantages the other was enabled to take care of the poor,
inviting every day some one or other of the citizens that was in want to supper,
and bestowing clothes on the aged people, and breaking down the hedges and
enclosures of his grounds, that all that would might freely gather what fruit
they pleased. Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, turned to the distribution
of the public moneys; and in a short time having bought the people over, what
with moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries, and what with the
other forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against the council of
Areopagus, and directed the exertions of his party against this council with
such success, that most of those causes and matters which had been formerly
tried there, were removed from its cognizance; Cimon, also, was banished by
ostracism as a favorer of the Lacedaemonians and a hater of the people, though
in wealth and noble birth he was among the first, and had won several most
glorious victories over the barbarians, and had filled the city with money
and spoils of war. So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among the people.
The ostracism was limited by law to ten years; but the Lacedaemonians, in the
meantime, entering with a great army into the territory of Tanagra, and the
Athenians going out against the, Cimon, coming from his banishment before his
time was out, put himself in arms and array with those of his fellow-citizens
that were of his own tribe, and desired by his deeds to wipe off the
suspicion
of his favoring the Lacedaemonians, by venturing his own person along with
his countrymen. But Pericles's friends, gathering in a body, forced him to
retire as a banished man. For which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted
himself more than in any other battle, and to have been conspicuous above all
for his exposure of himself to danger. All Cimon's friends, also, to a man,
fell together side by side, whom Pericles had accused with him of taking part
with the Lacedaemonians. Defeated in this battle on their own frontiers, and
expecting a new and perilous attack with return of spring, the Athenians now
felt regret and sorrow for the loss of Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion
of him. Pericles, being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay
to gratify it, and himself made the motion for recalling him home. He, upon
his return, concluded a peace betwixt the two cities; for the Lacedaemonians
entertained as kindly feelings towards him as they did the reverse towards
Pericles and the other popular leaders.
Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus. And the
aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already before this grown to
be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, but nevertheless wishing
there should be somebody set up against him, to blunt and turn the edge of
his power, that it might not altogether prove a monarchy, put forward Thucydides
of Alopece, a discreet person, and a near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the
opposition against him. And so Pericles, at that time more than at any other,
let loose the reins to the people, and made his policy subservient to their
pleasure, contriving continually to have some great public show or solemnity,
some banquet, or some procession or other in the town to please them, coaxing
his countrymen like children, with such delights and pleasures as were not,
however, unedifying. Besides that, every year he sent out threescore galleys,
on board of which there went numbers of the citizens, who were in pay eight
months, at the same time learning and practicing the art of seamanship.
He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters, to share
the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the isle of Naxos, and
half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace to dwell among the Bisaltae,
and others into Italy, when the city Sybaris, which now was called Thurii,
was to be repeopled. And this he did to ease and discharge the city of an idle,
and, by reason of their idleness, a busy, meddling crowd of people; and at
the same time to meet the necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor
townsmen, and to intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting any
change, by posting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them.
That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens, and the greatest
admiration and even astonishment to all strangers, and that which now is Greece's
only evidence that the power she boasts of and her ancient wealth are no romance
or idle story, was his construction of the public and sacred buildings.
The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, and cypress- wood; the
artisans that wrought and fashioned them were smiths and carpenters, moulders,
founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers, goldsmiths, ivory-workers, painters,
embroiderers, turners; those again that conveyed them to the town for use,
merchants and mariners and ship-masters by sea; and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders,
wagoners, rope-makers, flax-workers, shoe-makers and leather-dressers, road-makers,
miners. And every trade in the same nature, as a captain in an army has his
particular company of soldiers under him, had its own hired company of journeymen
and laborers belonging to it banded together as in array, to be as it were
the instrument and body for the performance of the service of these public
works distributed plenty through every age and condition.
As then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisite in form,
the workmen striving to outvie the material and the design with the beauty
of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was the rapidity
of their execution. Undertakings, any one of which singly might have required,
they thought, for their completion, several successions and ages of men, were
every one of them accomplished in the height and prime of one man's political
service. Although they say, too, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchus,
the painter, boast of despatching his work with speed and ease, replied, "I
take a long time." For ease and speed in doing a thing do not give the
work lasting solidity or exactness of beauty; the expenditure of time allowed
to a man's pains beforehand for the production of a thing is repaid by way
of interest with a vital force for its preservation when once produced. For
which reason Pericles's works are especially admired, as having been made quickly,
to last long. For every particular piece of his work was immediately, even
at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique; and yet in its vigor and
freshness looks to this day as if it were just executed. There is a sort of
bloom of newness upon those works of his, preserving them from the touch of
time, as if they had some perennial spirit and undying vitality mingled in
the composition of them.
Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor- general, though
upon the various portions other great masters and workmen were employed. For
Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon; the chapel at Eleusis, where the
mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus, who erected the pillars that
stand upon the floor or pavement, and joined them to the architraves; and after
his death Metagenes of Xypete added the frieze and the upper line of columns;
Xenocles of Cholargus roofed or arched the lantern on the top of the temple
of Castor and Pollux; and the long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard
Pericles propose to the people, was undertaken by Callicrates.
The Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seats and ranges
of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope and descend from one single
point at the top, was constructed, we are told, in imitation of the king of
Persia's Pavilion; this likewise by Pericles's order; which Cratinus again,
in his comedy called The Thracian Women, made an occasion of raillery, -
So, we see here, Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear, Since ostracism time he's
laid aside his head, And wears the new Odeum in its stead.
Perils, also eager for distinction, then first obtained the decree for a contest
in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea, and he himself, being
chosen judge, arranged the order and method in which the competitors should
sing and play on the flute and the harp. And both at that time, and at other
times also, they sat in this music-room to see and hear all such trials of
skill.
The propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in five years'
time, Mnesicles being the principal architect. A strange accident happened
in the course of building, which showed that the goddess was not averse to
the work, but was aiding and co-operating to bring it to perfection. One of
the artificers, the quickest and the handiest workmen among them all, with
a slip of his foot, fell down from a great height, and lay in a miserable condition,
the physician having no hopes of his recovery. When Pericles was in distress
about this, Athenia appeared to him at night in a dream, and ordered a course
of treatment which he applied, and in a short time, and with great ease, cured
the man. And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass statue of Athena,
surnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which they say was there before.
But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess's image in gold, and he has his
name inscribed on
the pedestal as the workman of it; and indeed the whole work
in a manner was under his charge, and he had, as we have said already, the
oversight over all the artists and workmen, through Pericles's friendship for
him.
When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were at one time
crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as one who squandered away
public money and made havoc of the state revenues, he rose in the open assembly
and put the question to the people, whether they thought that he had laid out
much; and saying, "Too much, a great deal," "Then," said
he, "since it is so, let the cost not go to your account, but to mine;
and let the inscription upon the buildings stand in my name." When they
heard him say thus, whether it were out of a surprise to see the greatness
of his spirit, or out of emulation of the glory of the works, they cried aloud,
bidding him to spend on, and lay out what he thought fit from the public purse,
and to spare no cost, till all were finished.
At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, which of the two should
ostracize the other out of the country, and, having gone through this peril,
he threw his antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy that had been organized
against him. So that now all schism and division being at an end, and the city
brought to evenness and unity, he got all Athens and all affairs that pertained
to the Athenians into his own hands, their tributes, their armies and their
galleys, the islands, the sea, and their wide-extended power, partly over other
Greeks and partly over barbarians, and all that empire which they possessed,
founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal friendships and alliances.
After this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor as tame and
gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so as readily to yield to
their pleasures and to comply with the desires of the multitude, as a steersman
shifts with the winds. Quitting that loose, remiss, and, in some cases, licentious
court of the popular will, he turned those soft and flowery modulations to
the austerity of aristocratical and regal rule; but, employing this uprightly
and undeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generally to
lead the people along, with their own will and consent, by persuading and showing
them what was to be done.
The source of this predominance was not barely his power of language, but,
as Thucydides the historian assures us, the reputation of his life, and the
confidence felt in his character; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption,
and superiority to all considerations of money. Notwithstanding he had made
the city of Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be
imagined, and though he were himself in power and interest more than equal
to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also bequeathed by will
their power to their children, he for his part, did not make the patrimony
his father left him greater than it was by one drachma.
Teleclides says the Athenians had surrendered to him -
The tributes of the cities, and, with them, the cities, too, to do with them
as he pleases, and undo; To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town;
and again, if so he likes, to pull them down; Their treaties and alliances,
power, empire, peace, and war, their wealth and their success forevermore.
Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion; nor was it the mere bloom
and grace of a policy that flourished for a season; but having for fifty-five
years together maintained the first place among statesmen, in the exercise
of one continuous unintermitted command in the office, to which he was annually
reelected, of General, he preserved his integrity unspotted; though otherwise
he was not altogether idle or careless in looking after his pecuniary advantage;
his paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, he so ordered that it
might neither through negligence be wasted or lessened, nor yet, being so full
of business as he was, cost him any great trouble or time with taking care
of it; and put it into such a way of management as he thought to be most easy
for himself, and the most exact. All his yearly products and profits he sold
together in a lump, and supplied his household needs afterward by buying everything
that he or his family wanted out of the market. Upon which account, his children,
when they grew to age, were not well pleased with his management; since there
was not there, as is usual in a great family and a plentiful estate, anything
to spare, or over and above; but all that went out or came in, all disbursements
and all receipts, proceeded as it were by number and measure. His manager in
all this was a single servant, Evangelus by name, a man either naturally gifted
or instructed by Pericles so as to excel every one in this art of domestic
economy.
The Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growth of the
Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate the people's spirit
yet more, and to raise them to the thought of great actions, proposed a decree
to summon all the Greeks in what part soever, whether of Europe or Asia, every
city, little as well as great, to send their deputies to Athens to a general
assembly or convention, there to consult and advise concerning the Greek temples
which the barbarians had burnt down; and also concerning the navigation of
the sea, that they might henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade
securely, and be at peace among themselves.
Nothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, as was desired;
the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the design underhand, and the attempt
being disappointed and baffled first in Peloponnesus. I thought fit, however,
to introduce the mention of it, to show the spirit of the man and the greatness
of his thoughts.
In his military conduct he gained a great reputation for wariness; he would
not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much uncertainty or hazard;
he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash adventures fortune favored
with brilliant success, however they were admired by others; nor did he think
them worthy his imitation, but always used to say to his citizens that, so
far as lay in his power, they should continue immortal, and live forever. Seeing
Tolmides, the son of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes,
and flushed with the honor his military actions had procured him, making preparation
to attack the Boeotians in their own country, when there was no likely opportunity,
and that he had prevailed with the bravest and most enterprising of the youth
to enlist themselves as volunteers in the service, who besides his other force
made up a thousand, he endeavored to withhold him, and advised him against
it in the public assembly, telling him in a memorable saying of which still
goes about, that, if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not
do amiss to wait and be ruled by time, the wisest counselor of all. This saying,
at that time, was but slightly commended; but, within a few days after, when
news was brought that Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in battle
near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen with him, it gained him
great repute as well as good-will among the people, for wisdom and for love
of his countrymen.
But of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most satisfaction and
pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who inhabited there. For not
only by carrying along with him a thousand fresh citizens of Athens he gave
new strength and vigor to the cities, but also by belting the neck of land,
which joins the peninsula to the continent, with bulwarks and forts from sea
to sea, he put a stop to the inroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the
Chersonese, and closed the door ag
ainst a continual and grievous war, with
which that country had been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments
and influx of barbarous neighbors, and groaning under the evils of a predatory
population both upon and within its borders.
Entering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet, he obtained
for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted, and entered into friendly
relations with them; and to the barbarous nations, and kings and chiefs round
about them, displayed the greatness of the power of the Athenians, their perfect
ability and confidence to sail wherever they had a mind, and to bring the whole
sea under his control. He left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiers
under the command of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus the tyrant;
and, when he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtained a decree that
six hundred of the Athenians that were willing should sail to Sinope and plant
themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among them the houses and land
which the tyrant and his party had previously held.
But in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of the citizens,
nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when, carried away with
the thought of their strength and great success, they were eager to interfere
again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of Persia's maritime dominions. Nay,
there were a good many who were, even then, possessed with that unblest and
unauspicious passion for Sicily, which afterward the orators of Alciabes's
party blew up into a flame. There were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and
of Carthage, and not without plausible reason in their present large dominion
and the prosperous course of their affairs.
But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparingly pruned
and cut down their ever-busy fancies for a multitude of undertakings, and directed
their power for the most part to securing and consolidating what they had already
got, supposing it would be quite enough for them to do, if they could keep
the Lacedaemonians in check; to whom he entertained all along a sense of opposition;
which, as upon many other occasions, he particularly showed by what he did
in the time of the holy war. The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to
Delphi, restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into their possession,
to the Delphians; immediately after their departure, Pericles, with another
army, came and restored it to the Phocians. And the Lacedaemonians having engraven
the record of their privilege of consulting the oracle before others, which
the Delphians gave them, upon the forehead of the brazen wolf which stands
there, he, also, having received from the Phocians the like privilege for the
Athenians, had it cut upon the same wolf of brass, on his right side.
When Pericles, in giving up his accounts, stated a disbursement of ten talents,
as laid out upon fit occasion, the people, without any question, nor troubling
themselves to investigate the mystery, freely allowed it. And some historians,
in which number is Theophtastus the philosopher, have given it as a truth that
Pericles every year used to send privately the sum of ten talents to Sparta,
with which he complimented those in office, to keep off the war; not to purchase
peace either, but time, that he might prepare at leisure, and be the better
able to carry on war hereafter.
After this, having made a truce between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians for
thirty years, he ordered, by public decree, the expedition against the Isle
of Samos, on the ground, that, when they were bid to leave off their war with
the Milesians, they had not complied. For the two states were at war for the
possession of Priene; and the Samians, getting the better, refused to lay down
their arms and to have the controversy betwixt them decided by arbitration
before the Athenians. Pericles, therefore, fitting out a fleet, went and broke
up the oligarchal government at Samos, and, taking fifty of the principal men
of the town as hostages, and as many of their children, sent them to the Isle
of Lemnos, there to be kept, though he had offers, as some relate, of a talent
apiece for himself from each one of the hostages, and of many other presents
from those who were anxious not to have a democracy. Moreover, Pissuthnes the
Persian, one of the king's lieutenants, bearing some good-will to the Samians,
sent him ten thousand pieces of gold to excuse the city. Pericles, however,
would receive none of all this; but after he had taken that course with the
Samians which he thought fit, and set up a democracy among them, sailed back
to Athens.
But they, however, immediately revolted, Pissuthnes having privily got away
their hostages for them, and provided them with means for war. Whereupon Pericles
came out with a fleet a second time against them, and found them not idle nor
slinking away, but manfully resolved to try for the dominion of the sea. The
issue was, that, after a sharp sea-fight about the island called Tragia, Pericles
obtained a decisive victory, having with forty-four ships routed seventy of
the enemy's, twenty of which were carrying soldiers.
Together with his victory and pursuit, having made himself master of the port,
he laid siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, who yet, one way or other,
still ventured to make sallies, and fight under the city walls. But after another
greater fleet from Athens had arrived, and the Samians were now shut up with
a close leaguer on every side, Pericles, taking with him sixty galleys, sailed
out into the main sea, with the intention, as most authors give the account,
to meet a squadron of Phoenician ships that were coming for the Samians' relief,
and to fight them at as great a distance as could be from the island; but,
as Stesimbrotus says, with a design of putting over to Cyprus; which does not
seem to be probable. But whichever of the two was his intent, it seems to have
been a miscalculation. For on his departure, Melissus, the son of Ithagenes,
a philosopher, being at that time general in Samos, despising either the small
number of ships that were left or the inexperience of the commanders, prevailed
with the citizens to attack the Athenians. And the Samians having won the battle
and taken several of the men prisoners, and disabled several of the ships,
were masters of the sea, and brought into port all necessities they wanted
for the war, which they had not before. Aristotle says, too, that Pericles
himself had been once before this worsted by the Milissus in a sea-fight.
The Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before been put upon
them, branded the Athenians whom they took prisoners, in their foreheads, with
the figure of an owl. For so the Athenians had marked them before with a Samaena,
which is a sort of ship, low and flat in the prow, so as to look snub-nosed,
but wide and large and well-spread in the hold, by which it both carries a
large cargo and sails well. And so it was called, because the first of that
kind was seen at Samos, having been built by order of Polycrates the tyrant.
These brands upon the Samians' foreheads, they say, are the allusion in the
passage of Aristophanes, where he says, --
For, oh, the Samians are a lettered people.
Pericles, as soon as news was brought to him of the disaster that had befallen
his army, made all the haste he could to come in to their relief, and having
defeated Melissus, who bore up against him, and put the enemy to flight, he
immediately proceeded to hem them in with a wall, resolving to master them
and take the town, rather with some cost and time than with the wounds and
hazards of his citizens. But as it was a hard matter to keep back the Athenians,
who were vexed at the delay, and were eagerly bent to fight, he divided the
whole multitude into eight parts, and arranged by lot that that part which
had the white be
an should have leave to feast and take their ease, while the
other seven were fighting. And this is the reason, they say, that people, when
at any time they have been merry, and enjoyed themselves, call it white day,
in allusion to this white bean.
Ephorus, the historian, tells us besides, that Pericles made use of engines
of battery in this siege, being much taken with the curiousness of the invention,
with the aid and presence of Artemon himself, the engineer, who, being lame,
used to be carried about in a litter, where the works required his attendance,
and for that reason was called Periphoretus. But Heraclides Ponticus disproves
this out of Anacreon's poems, where mention is made of this Artemon Periphoretus
several ages before the Samian war, or any of these occurrences. And he says
that Artemon, being a man who loved his ease, and had a great apprehension
of danger, for the most part kept close within doors, having two of his servants
to hold a brazen shield over his head, that nothing might fall upon him from
above; and if he were at any time forced upon necessity to go abroad, that
he was carried about in a little hanging-bed, close to the very ground, and
that for this reason he was called Periphoretus.
In the ninth month, the Samians surrendering themselves and delivering up the
town, Pericles pulled down their walls, and seized their shipping, and set
a fine of a large sum upon them, part of which they paid down at once, and
they agreed to bring in the rest by a certain time, and gave hostages for security.
Pericles, however, after the reduction of Samos, returning back to Athens,
took care that those who died in the war should be honorably buried, and made
a funeral harangue, as the custom is, in their commendation at their graves,
for which he gained great admiration. As he came down from the stage on which
he spoke, all the women except Elpinice, the aged sister of Cimon, came out
and complimented him, taking him by the hand, and crowning him with garlands
and ribbons, like a victorious athlete in the games.
After this was over, the Peloponnesian war beginning to break out in full tide,
he advised the people to send help to the Corcyraeans, who were attacked by
the Corinthians, and to secure to themselves an island possessed of great naval
resources, since the Peloponnesians were already all but in actual hostilities
against them. Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, endeavoring to bring
the greater part of the complaints and matters in dispute to a fair determination,
and to pacify and allay the heats of the allies, it is very likely that the
war would not upon any other grounds of quarrel have fallen upon the Athenians,
could they have been prevailed upon to be reconciled with the inhabitants of
Megara.
The true occasion of the quarrel is not easy to find out. The worst motive
of all, which is confirmed by most witnesses, is to the following effect. Phidias
the Moulder had, as has before been said, undertaken to make the statue of
Athena. Now he, being admitted to friendship with Pericles, and a great favorite
of his, had many enemies upon this account, who envied and maligned him; and
they, to make trial in a case of his what kind of judges the commons would
prove, should there be occasion to bring Pericles himself before them, having
tampered with Menon, one who had been a workman with Phidias, stationed him
in the marketplace, with a petition desiring public security upon his discovery
and impeachment of Phidias. The people admitting the man to tell his story,
and, the prosecution proceeding in the assembly, there was nothing of theft
or cheat proved against him; for Phidias, from the very first beginning, by
the advice of Pericles, had so wrought and wrapt the gold that was used in
the work about the statue, that they might take it all off and make out the
just weight of it, which Pericles at that time bade the accusers do. But the
repudiation of his works was what brought envy upon Phidias, especially that
where he represents the fight of the Amazons upon the goddesses' shield, he
had introduced a likeness of himself as a bald old man holding up a great stone
with both hands, and had put in a very fine representation of Pericles fighting
with an Amazon. And the position of the hand, which holds out the spear in
front of the face, was ingeniously contrived to conceal in some degree the
likeness, which, meantime, showed itself on either side.
Phidias then was carried away to Prison, and there died of a disease; but,
as some say, of poison administered by the enemies of Pericles, to raise a
slander, or a suspicion at least, as though he had procured it. The informer
Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the people made free from payment of taxes and
customs, and ordered the generals to take care that nobody should do him any
hurt. And Pericles, finding that in Phidias's case he had miscarried with the
people, being afraid of impeachment, kindled the war, which hitherto had lingered
and smothered, and blew it up into a flame; hoping, by that means, to disperse
and scatter these complaints and charges, and to allay their jealousy; the
city usually throwing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole conduct,
upon the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason of his authority
and the sway he bore.
These are given out to have been the reasons which induced Pericles not to
suffer the people of Athens to yield to the proposals of the Lacedaemonians;
but their truth is uncertain.
The Lacedaemonians, therefore, and their allies, with a great army, invaded
the Athenian territories, under the conduct of king Archidamus, and laying
waste the country, marched on as far as Acharnae, and there pitched their camp,
presuming that the Athenians would never endure that, but would come out and
fight them for their country's and their honor's sake. But Pericles looked
upon it as dangerous to engage in battle, to the risk of the city itself, against
sixty thousand men-at-arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians; for so many they
were in number that made the inroad at first; and he endeavored to appease
those who were desirous to fight, and were grieved and discontented to see
how things went, and gave them good words, saying, that "trees, when they
are lopped and cut, grow up again in a short time, but men, being once lost,
cannot easily be recovered." He did not convene the people into an assembly,
for fear lest they should force him to act against his judgement; and many
of his enemies threatened and accursed him for doing as he did, and many made
songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung about the town to his disgrace,
reproaching him with the cowardly exercise of his office of general, and the
tame abandonment of everything to the enemy's hands.
Cleon, also, already was among his assailants, making use of the feeling against
him as a step to the leadership of the people, as appears in the anapaestic
verses of Hermippus.
Satyr-king, instead of swords, Will you always handle words? Very brave indeed
we find them, But a Teles lurks behind them. (Teles was apparently some notorious
coward.) Yet to gnash your teeth you're seen, When the little dagger keen,
Whetted every day anew, Of sharp Cleon touches you.
Pericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, but took all patiently,
and submitted in silence to the disgrace they threw upon him and the ill-will
they bore him; and, sending out a fleet of a hundred galleys to Peloponnesus,
he did not go along with it in person, but stayed behind, that he might watch
at home and keep the city under his own control, till the Peloponnesians broke
up their camp and were gone. Yet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed
with the war, he relieved them with distributions of public moneys, and ordained
new divisions of subject land. For having turned out all the people of Aegina,
he parted the island among the At
henians, according to lot. Some comfort, also,
and ease in their miseries, they might receive from what their enemies endured.
For the fleet, sailing round the Peloponnesus, ravaged a great deal of the
country, and pillaged and plundered the towns and smaller cities; and by land
he himself entered with an army the Megarian country, and made havoc of it
all. Whence it is clear that the Peloponnesians, though they did the Athenians
much mischief by land, yet suffering as much themselves from them by sea, would
not have protracted the war to such a length, but would quickly have given
it over, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not some divine power
crossed human purposes.
In the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, seized upon the city,
and ate up all the flour and prime of their youth and strength. Upon occasion
of which the people, distempered and afflicted in their souls, as well as in
their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmen against Pericles, and, like
patients grown delirious, sought to lay violent hands on their physician, or,
as it were, their father.
Finding the Athenians ill affected and highly displeased with him, he tried
and endeavored what he could to appease and re-encourage them. But he could
not pacify or allay their anger nor persuade or prevail with them anyway, til
they freely passed their votes upon him, resumed their power, took away his
command from him, and fined him in a sum of money.
After this, public troubles were soon to leave him unmolested; the people,
so to say, discharged their passion in their stroke, and lost their stings
in the wound. But his domestic concerns were in an unhappy condition, many
of his friends and acquaintance having died in the plague time, and those of
his family having long since been in disorder and in a kind of mutiny against
him. For the eldest of his sons, Xanthippus by name, being naturally prodigal,
and marrying a young and expensive wife, was highly offended at his father's
economy in making him but a scanty allowance, by little and little at a time.
He sent therefore, to a friend one day, and borrowed some money of him in his
father Pericles's name, pretending it was by his order. The man coming afterward
to demand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay it, that he entered
an action against him. Upon which the young man, Xanthippus, thought himself
so ill used and disobliged, that he openly reviled his father; telling first,
by way of ridicule, stories about his conversations at home, and the discourses
he had with the sophists and scholars that came to his house. As for instance,
how one who was a practicer of the five games of skill, * having with a dart
or javelin unawares against his will struck and killed Epitimus the Pharsalian,
his father spent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious dispute, whether
the javelin, or the man that threw it, or the masters of the games who appointed
these sports, were, according to the strictest and best reason, to be accounted
the cause of this mischance. And in general, this difference of the young man's
with his father, in the breach betwixt them, continued never to be healed or
made up til his death. For Xanthippus died in the plague time of the sickness.
At which time Pericles also lost his sister, and the greatest part of his relations
and friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable to him in managing
the affairs of state. However, he did not shrink or give in on these occasions,
nor betray or lower his high spirit and even the greatness of his mind under
all his misfortunes; he was not even so much as seen to weep or to mourn, or
even attend the burial of his friends or relations, till at last he lost his
only remaining son. Subdued by this blow, yet striving still, as far as he
could, to maintain his principle, and yet to preserve and keep up the greatness
of his soul, when he came, however, to perform the ceremony of putting a garland
of flowers on the head of the corpse, he was vanquished by his passion at the
sight, so that he burst into exclamations, and shed copious tears, having never
done any such thing in all his life before.
The city having made trial of other generals for the conduct of war, and orators
for business of state, when they found there was no one who was of weight enough
for such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be trusted with so great a
command, regretted the loss of him, and invited him again to address and advise
them, and to resume the office of general. He, however, lay at home in dejection
and mourning; but was persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends to
come abroad and show himself to the people; who having, upon his appearance,
made their acknowledgements, and apologized for their untowardly treatment
of him, he undertook the public affairs once more.
About this time, it seems, the plague seized Pericles, not with sharp and violent
fits, as it did others that had it, but with a dull and lingering distemper,
attended with various changes and alterations, leisurely, by little and little,
wasting the strength of his body, and undermining the noble faculties of his
soul.
When he was now near his end, the best of citizens and those of his friends
who were left alive, sitting about him, were speaking of the greatness of his
merit, and his power, and reckoning up his famous actions and the number of
his victories; there were no less than nine trophies which, as their chief
commander and conqueror of their enemies, he had set up, for the honor of the
city. They talked thus among themselves, as though he were unable to understand
or mind what they said, but had now lost his consciousness. He had listened,
however, all the while, and attended to all, and speaking out among them, said,
that he wondered they should commend and take notice of things which were as
much owing to fortune as to anything else, and had happened to many other commanders,
and, at the same time, should not speak or make mention of that which was the
most excellent and greatest thing of all. "For," said he, "no
Athenian through my means, ever wore mourning."
He was indeed a character deserving our high admiration, not only for his equable
and mild temper, which all along, in the many affairs of his life, and the
great animosities which he incurred, he constantly maintained; but also for
the high spirit and feeling which made him regarded the noblest of all his
honors, that, in the exercise of such immense power, he never had gratified
his envy or his passion, nor ever had treated any enemy as irreconcilably opposed
to him. And to me it appears that this one thing gives an otherwise childish
and arrogant title a fitting and becoming significance; so dispassionate a
temper, a life so pure and unblemished, in the height of power and place, might
well be called "Olympian," in accordance with our conceptions of
divine beings, to whom, as the natural of all good and of nothing evil, we
ascribe the rule and government of the world.
The course of public affairs after his death produced a quick and speedy sense
of the loss of Pericles. Those who, while they live, resented his great authority,
as that which eclipsed themselves, presently after quitting the stage, making
trial of other orators and demagogues, readily acknowledged that there never
had been in nature such a disposition as his was, more moderate and reasonable
in the height of that state he took upon him, or more grave and impressive
in the mildness which he used.
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